UNREALITY OF THE PANCHAYAT POLL
HUBLI, Dec 22 2010
There is an air of unreality even as the three major political parties in Karnataka flex their muscle for the latest round of hustings in the panchayat elections in Karnataka scheduled to be held by the end of this month..
Firstly, all the three parties have left no stone unturned to raise hype over the outcome of the poll and say that the future of the government depends on it. The reality is that the elections for the taluk panchayat and zilla panchayat elections in Karnataka have no role to play in determining the political fortunes of beleaguered Yeddyurappa. It does not in any way affect the balance of power in the state assembly, where at the moment, Yeddyurappa appears to be well ensconced.
In the case of the rural voters trusting BJP for running the panchayat institutions, Mr. Yeddyurappa may claim that his policies have received a mandate from the people and cock a snook at his detractors who have been braying for his blood found as he is a quagmire of scams by himself and his ministerial colleagues.
In the case of an adverse vote, the Congress and JDS may go to the town to claim that people have shown their displeasure and may demand that Yeddyurappa should demit office. But Mr. Yeddyurappa may reject the demand in limine by taking the stand that it does not reflect the mood of the people, since the urban voters are not a part of the election process. And that his future has to be decided on the floor of the legislature and not in panchayat election. The President of the national BJP, Mr. Gadkari who had said that Yeddyurappa had been given a reprieve till the panchayat elections also will not be able to secure resignation of the Yeddyurappa because of the likely adverse impact it may have on the only saffron government in the south.
Secondly, all the three parties, have been conveniently ignored the core issue of the panchayat elections, namely of how efficiently these institutions of democratic decentralization could be effectively run to ensure that the money meant for the rural development is spent properly for the benefit and improvement of the lot of the stake holders and how they can remove the impediments coming in the way.
All of them without an exception have been busy fudging on the core issue of empowerment of these institutions and talk of the rural development programme as if the rural development programmes are synonymous with panchayat empowerment.
None of them including the ruling BJP, are telling people about their commitment to empower the panchayat institutions. Even if they were to tell that it would be taken with a pinch of salt. It is because all of them have an uniform record of emasculating the panchayats as for as possible and have abetted in the moves to subtlety withdraw the powers given to them by law. They would have succeeded in their endeavour to turn them into their vassals but for the constitutional safeguards that these institutions enjoy thanks to the 73rd and 74th Constitutional amendments.
There have been occasions, when the Congress tried its level best to violate the constitutional provision of having regular elections once in five years before the expiry of the term. The BJP would have tried this time to postpone poll, but went in for it for sheer political compulsions and prospects of had political advantage they could derive in the process. This was the direct consequence of the reducing the seats reserved for the OBCs as per the direction of the Supreme Court, and everybody knows that it is a constituency in which BJP is not comfortably placed.
More than the political parties, their MLAs regardless of the political divide are dead opposed to any move to empower the panchayats since they fear that any alternate leadership which may emerge in the rural areas as a consequence may prove to be inimical to their position. They have not lost a single occasion to put these institutions down, deride them and talked about the rampant corruption in the panchayat institutions, forgetting the fact that they are the fountain heads of corruption and have not lifted a finger to fight corruption. It is a case of kettle calling the cup black.
The report of the third State Finance Commission headed by Mr. AG Kodgi, which has recommended a new formula for sharing the resources between the state government and the panchayats has been with the state government for more than a year but still, neither the party in power is bothered with it nor the opposition has taken the government to task for the delay in the implementation of the report. The Constitution enjoins that the states appoint the state finance commission in a bid to ensure a fair devolution of finances to enable the panchayat s to discharge the responsibilities given to them. The implementation of the recommendations of the previous two finance commissions has been quite tardy and there appear to be no early prospects of the latest one being implemented.
The point at issue whom should the rural voters prefer in the ensuing polls to the panchayat elections. One party is as bad as another and all of them are universally untrustworthy. They have no chance but to vote. And political parties are their to utilse the opportunity for their political aggrandizement and have hardly anytime to give any thought for strengthening of the system, whose vitality has been sapped by the subtle moves of the government to keep all these institutions under their bureaucratic thumbs.
Eom 22.12.10
Tuesday, December 21, 2010
Wednesday, December 15, 2010
Hubli, 16th December 2010
Karnataka, is going through a hype of unprecedented dimensions, over the impending polls to the second and third tiers of the three tier panchayat raj system in the more than two decade history of the movement for the democratic decentralization in Karnataka.
It does not however signify the growing awareness on the part of the political parties in Karnataka, of the importance of the system and the imperative necessity of strengthening the same with view to bringing about the all round improvement of the rural areas. For none of them have ever bothered with this aspect and have not lifted a single finger to promote or strengthen system and they have the track record of consistently trying to emasculate and weaken the system as for as possible.
But the sheer political compulsions have made them zero in on the polls, scheduled to be held by the end of this month. For the BJP, it is an opportunity to get bailed out from the serious of scams in which it has landed itself on its own volition. And an answer to the opposition which have been braying for its blood and for its ouster The Yeddyurappa government has been viewing the system as an opportunity to get the mandate from the rural albeit from the rural areas as an answer to its critics.
For the opposition, the Congress and JDS, who have tried all the tricks in their armoury to unseat the government through means fair or foul, wants to prove that the mandate which the BJP had got in 2008 assembly poll is waning and that the people are against the BJP.
But the moot point is that commonality of interests has not been reflected in the commonality of the approach. The dilemma for them is that they are damned if they come together and more damned if they don’t come together. For they suffer from mutual conflict of interest at the grass root level. One party has to grow at the cost of another in any constituency allocated to their share.
The elections to the taluk and zilla panchayats have become imperative since the five year term of the most of these bodies, are coming to an end by January this year and the constitutional mandate requires that the elections are held before the expiry of the five year term.
But the present government like the Congress coalition led by Mr. Dharam Singh in 2005 was not exactly willing to adhere to the time schedule. It was waiting for the alibis to postpone them. But a direction of the Supreme Court in May requiring state governments to limit the total reservations to 50% came in handy. The total reservations in Karnataka for the SCs STs and the OBCs was more than 60% and the implementation of the same would result in reduction of the seats, for OBCs, a constituency in which BJP was not very comfortable.
And the government grabbed the opportunity to implement the same through the ordinance, in November with the not so friendly Governor having no compunctions in going along the state governments view. The State Election Commission, accordingly started process and came out with a matrix of reservations. And all hell broke lose when the SEC published the matrix. The quota of the OBCs in zilla panchayats came down by 109 seats, and by 482 in taluk panchayts.
Both the Congress and the JDS cried foul and dubbed the measure as something inimical to the OBCs interests. And cried hoarse urging the state government to retrace its steps. It is here that the BJP played its cards well. Not willing to be dubbed as anti OBC on the eve of panchayat elections it made attempts to retrace the steps and proposed to issue another ordinance and as anticipated the Governor turned it down on the ground interalia that it was violative of the Supreme Court’s directions.
It looked as is the Governor had snubbed the BJP again. But the reality was otherwise. It had turned the Governors penchant to its advantage to serve its political interest and silenced the Congress, which was depending too much on the Governor for fixing the government.
Congress which was very vocal in crying foul in the first instance, has been made to eat its own words, when the Governor turned down the second proposal for restoring quota.. It is not known whether it tried in vain to prevail upon the friendly Governor to do so? If it did try, the efforts apparently did not succeed. They lost a political weapon too. The party cans no longer make a political capital of the developments in the forthcoming elations to deride the BJP. For, who stood in the way of the restoration of quota was not the State Government but the Governor. And criticizing the Governor does not benefit them in any way.
Politically also, the BJP is one step ahead of its political rivals. BJP finds that the time is ripe for holding the elections to the grass root level democratic institutions. It has fully prepared itself for the hustings. It has virtually launched the election campaign too and the Chief Minister Mr. Yeddyurappa is touring the districts implementing the specially designed government programme of the distribution of sarees to rural women, with a view to wooing them. With a tongue in the cheek statement, the state BJP President, Mr. Eshwarappa has said that the party would make up whatever the quota the OBCs lost by providing the increased representation to this section in the allotment party tickets. He has through this statement thrown a gauntlet at the opposition.
On the other hand, the opposition parties, both the Congress and the JDS are in total disarray. They are yet to come out of their fixation of berating the government for the plethora of scams including the land grabbing by the Minister, to come to terms with the political realities facing them.
As the things stand today, the BJP appears to have all the aces up its sleeves. Going by the track record of the previous panchayat elections, rural voters have a tendency to go with the party in power always. It had benefited the undivided Janata Dal and the Congress in the past. It maybe the BJPs turn to derive the advantage this time. Has the gamble by Yeddyurappa paid off? It appears so at the moment..
For what the disarrayed opposition is busy in doing is to endlessly hark on scams, instead of listing out the failure of the government in strengthening the panchayat raj system. They have not been able to come out with manifesto on what they would do to achieve goal, if they are trusted with power at the panchayat level. The government, which has ace in its sleeves, can afford not to talk about it. But the opposition can ill afford not doing it.
Yeddyurappa finds himself in a win win situation. He can glow in glory in case of win, terming it as a renewed mandate in favour of his policies. In the case of adverse verdict, he can say that the opinion is warped, with the urban voters not being part of it and get away within. Besides the BJP, what ever may be verdict, cannot afford to dislodge him because of the TINA (There Is No Alternative) factor.
Eom 0816hrs. 16.12.2010
.
Karnataka, is going through a hype of unprecedented dimensions, over the impending polls to the second and third tiers of the three tier panchayat raj system in the more than two decade history of the movement for the democratic decentralization in Karnataka.
It does not however signify the growing awareness on the part of the political parties in Karnataka, of the importance of the system and the imperative necessity of strengthening the same with view to bringing about the all round improvement of the rural areas. For none of them have ever bothered with this aspect and have not lifted a single finger to promote or strengthen system and they have the track record of consistently trying to emasculate and weaken the system as for as possible.
But the sheer political compulsions have made them zero in on the polls, scheduled to be held by the end of this month. For the BJP, it is an opportunity to get bailed out from the serious of scams in which it has landed itself on its own volition. And an answer to the opposition which have been braying for its blood and for its ouster The Yeddyurappa government has been viewing the system as an opportunity to get the mandate from the rural albeit from the rural areas as an answer to its critics.
For the opposition, the Congress and JDS, who have tried all the tricks in their armoury to unseat the government through means fair or foul, wants to prove that the mandate which the BJP had got in 2008 assembly poll is waning and that the people are against the BJP.
But the moot point is that commonality of interests has not been reflected in the commonality of the approach. The dilemma for them is that they are damned if they come together and more damned if they don’t come together. For they suffer from mutual conflict of interest at the grass root level. One party has to grow at the cost of another in any constituency allocated to their share.
The elections to the taluk and zilla panchayats have become imperative since the five year term of the most of these bodies, are coming to an end by January this year and the constitutional mandate requires that the elections are held before the expiry of the five year term.
But the present government like the Congress coalition led by Mr. Dharam Singh in 2005 was not exactly willing to adhere to the time schedule. It was waiting for the alibis to postpone them. But a direction of the Supreme Court in May requiring state governments to limit the total reservations to 50% came in handy. The total reservations in Karnataka for the SCs STs and the OBCs was more than 60% and the implementation of the same would result in reduction of the seats, for OBCs, a constituency in which BJP was not very comfortable.
And the government grabbed the opportunity to implement the same through the ordinance, in November with the not so friendly Governor having no compunctions in going along the state governments view. The State Election Commission, accordingly started process and came out with a matrix of reservations. And all hell broke lose when the SEC published the matrix. The quota of the OBCs in zilla panchayats came down by 109 seats, and by 482 in taluk panchayts.
Both the Congress and the JDS cried foul and dubbed the measure as something inimical to the OBCs interests. And cried hoarse urging the state government to retrace its steps. It is here that the BJP played its cards well. Not willing to be dubbed as anti OBC on the eve of panchayat elections it made attempts to retrace the steps and proposed to issue another ordinance and as anticipated the Governor turned it down on the ground interalia that it was violative of the Supreme Court’s directions.
It looked as is the Governor had snubbed the BJP again. But the reality was otherwise. It had turned the Governors penchant to its advantage to serve its political interest and silenced the Congress, which was depending too much on the Governor for fixing the government.
Congress which was very vocal in crying foul in the first instance, has been made to eat its own words, when the Governor turned down the second proposal for restoring quota.. It is not known whether it tried in vain to prevail upon the friendly Governor to do so? If it did try, the efforts apparently did not succeed. They lost a political weapon too. The party cans no longer make a political capital of the developments in the forthcoming elations to deride the BJP. For, who stood in the way of the restoration of quota was not the State Government but the Governor. And criticizing the Governor does not benefit them in any way.
Politically also, the BJP is one step ahead of its political rivals. BJP finds that the time is ripe for holding the elections to the grass root level democratic institutions. It has fully prepared itself for the hustings. It has virtually launched the election campaign too and the Chief Minister Mr. Yeddyurappa is touring the districts implementing the specially designed government programme of the distribution of sarees to rural women, with a view to wooing them. With a tongue in the cheek statement, the state BJP President, Mr. Eshwarappa has said that the party would make up whatever the quota the OBCs lost by providing the increased representation to this section in the allotment party tickets. He has through this statement thrown a gauntlet at the opposition.
On the other hand, the opposition parties, both the Congress and the JDS are in total disarray. They are yet to come out of their fixation of berating the government for the plethora of scams including the land grabbing by the Minister, to come to terms with the political realities facing them.
As the things stand today, the BJP appears to have all the aces up its sleeves. Going by the track record of the previous panchayat elections, rural voters have a tendency to go with the party in power always. It had benefited the undivided Janata Dal and the Congress in the past. It maybe the BJPs turn to derive the advantage this time. Has the gamble by Yeddyurappa paid off? It appears so at the moment..
For what the disarrayed opposition is busy in doing is to endlessly hark on scams, instead of listing out the failure of the government in strengthening the panchayat raj system. They have not been able to come out with manifesto on what they would do to achieve goal, if they are trusted with power at the panchayat level. The government, which has ace in its sleeves, can afford not to talk about it. But the opposition can ill afford not doing it.
Yeddyurappa finds himself in a win win situation. He can glow in glory in case of win, terming it as a renewed mandate in favour of his policies. In the case of adverse verdict, he can say that the opinion is warped, with the urban voters not being part of it and get away within. Besides the BJP, what ever may be verdict, cannot afford to dislodge him because of the TINA (There Is No Alternative) factor.
Eom 0816hrs. 16.12.2010
.
Friday, November 26, 2010
Karnataka Governor gets cornered
The Karnataka Governor Mr. Hans Raj Bharadwaj finds himself hoisted by his own petard of sorts over the issue of ordinances for the reservation of seats for the impending elections to the taluk and zilla panchayats the two vital grass root level democratic institutions in Karnataka. Keeping him company in the predicament has been the Congress, which has preferred to fight proxy war against the BJP government.
It is the direction of the Supreme Court received sometime in May, requiring the state governments including Karnataka to cap the total reservations at 50%, which set the ball rolling. The State Government proposed and the Governor agreed for amending the Karnataka Panchayat Raj Act through ordinance to give effect to the same in the first week of November.
More than a month later, when the details of the matrix of reservations worked out by the State Election Commission became known, all hell broke loose in Karnataka, with the opposition including the Congress crying foul. For, the seats axed in the process had exclusively come from the OBCs, since the quota for the SCs and STs could not be tinkered with because of the constitutional safeguards. The OBC quota had been reduced by 109 seats from the 334 reserved in thirty zilla panchayats and by 482 among 1232 seats reserved 174 taluk panchayats.
The move set off furore of sorts, with everybody including the opposition Congress braying at the government with a fervent plea to restore statusquo ante in the interest of social justice. The BJP government did not want to take the odium of being anti OBC on the eve of crucial panchayat elections, which provided another opportunity for its growing clout in the rural areas.
Hence it lost no time in attempting to retrace its steps. It was quick in forwarding another ordinance to the Governor for approval with a view to restoring the status quo ante as had been desired by the opposition. But the Governor did not oblige, he returned the proposal and another subsequently modified one too, on the ground interalia that it was violative of the Supreme Courts directions.
The developments had all the trappings of the one more flip-flop action, for which the BJP government has become famous, And that the Governor, as has been his wont, had delivered one more public snub to the Yeddyurappa government, with whom he has been having continued battle of nerves, and has made no secret of his annoyance over the functioning and performanance of the government.
.But a careful reading of the situation reveals that the boot is another leg. It is not the BJP government, which has been put on the mat. But the Governor and the Congress which have found themselves cornered, unable to prevent whatever the BJP politically wanted to do.
It has been a known fact that the BJP has not been that comfortable with the OBCs. The Supreme Courts directive on limiting the reservations to the 50% came as manna from heaven, and it could legally reduce the OBC quota and swell the general quota commensurately. If the government was really worried over the reduction in the OBC quota, it had many avenues open to defer decision under one or the other pretext. But it chose act swiftly and quietly to get an ordinance issued.
Its subsequent attempts to retrace the step as had been demanded by the opposition, was more a show for public consumption than indicative of any change in heart. The insiders in the BJP maintain that the BJP was sure that t the Governor could not oblige, for the government was on strong legal ground, and a seasoned lawyer and former Union Law Minister, Mr. Bharadwaj could not act otherwise. Their hunch ultimately proved to be correct.
The BJP government, has been able achieve politically whatever wanted to do and has got away with it. The Governor has not been able to prevent it, even if he were to be aware of its real political intentions government, because of the legal frame work surrounding the government’s action.
The Congress which was very vocal in crying foul in the first instance, has been made to eat its own words, when the Governor turned down the second proposal for restoring quota.. It is not known whether it tried in vain to prevail upon the friendly Governor to do so? If it did try, the efforts apparently did not succeed. They lost a political weapon too. The party cans no longer make a political capital of the developments in the forthcoming elations to deride the BJP. For, who stood in the way of the restoration of quota was not the State Government but the Governor. And criticizing the Governor does not benefit them in any way..
Politically also, the BJP is one step ahead of its political rivals. BJP finds that the time is ripe for holding the elections to the grass root level democratic institutions. It has fully prepared itself for the hustings. It has virtually launched the election campaign too and the Chief Minister Mr. Yeddyurappa is touring the districts implementing the specially designed government programme of Bhagyashri for the distribution of sarees to rural women, with a view to wooing them. With a tongue in the cheek statement, the state BJP President, Mr. Eshwarappa has said that the party would make up whatever the quota the OBCs lost by providing the increased representation to this section in the allotment party tickets. He has through this statement thrown a gauntlet at the opposition.
On the other hand, the opposition parties, both the Congress and the JDS are in total disarray. They are yet to come out of their fixation of berating the government for the plethora of scams including the land grabbing by the Minister, to come to terms with the political realities facing them.
The moot question is whether the BJP had planned its strategy? Going by the track record, it is unlikely. For, since beginning, Yeddyurappa has been more relying on is impulses than a carefully worked out political strategy. The knee jerk reaction, for which he is known, has conspired somehow to place him in a politically advantageous position.
Monday, March 27, 2006
Panchayat institutions in Karnataka are in for bad time in Karnataka.
HUBLI, March 27, 2006
Fears about the future of the panchayat raj institutions (PRIs) in Karnataka, which were poised to open a new chapter of the financial and functional autonomy, are come true much earlier than expected under the new Karnataka Development Front regime.
The fears had been prompted by the fact that both the alliance partners of the new combination which is in office in Karnataka are alien to the concept of the empowerment of the PRIs. For the BJP, which is a dominant partner by number, it is known that the party has scant respect for the system and that the inclusion of the profession of commitment to the concept in its manifesto was only an eye wash. And the junior partner, the breakaway group of the JDS has absolutely no hang of the same, since it is ideologically barren as the things stand today
There was a flickering hope that the BJP, could do something and carry forward the programmes, which had been launched by the predecessor government, because the BJP had made a reference to the system in its manifesto. But the hopes were belied with the new Minister for Rural Development and Panchayat Raj Mr. C M Dais, making observations which are contrary to the spirit of the changes made and philosophy followed.
He made it clear on the floor of the assembly that the legislators would continue to head the task force to oversee the implementation of the rural water schemes. This comes as a total variance to the changes made through the amendment to the Karnataka Panchayat Act , under which the gram panchayats get the exclusive jurisdiction over the implementation of the rural water scheme.
The then Minister for Panchayat Raj under the Dharam Singh government refused to oblige the members when a similar demand was then made by saying that he would not like to go against the law passed. “You change the law and we can implement the new proposal”. This was the firm stand he took and he stood the ground despite the mounting pressure on him including by the then Chief Minister too.
However as a sop to the agitated legislators, the government condescended to constitute the task force under the legislators only to supervise “emergency” schemes for a period of three months till the summer season was over. Dr Mahadevappa by that time had been dropped from the Ministry as a fall out of the spat between Devegowda and Siddaramaiah. Had Mahadevappa continued he would have certainly put his foot down firmly.
But what could not be done then, has now been done by the present regime. Mr. Udasi is not stopping at that. He knows that the law as has been amended does not permit it. He has been toying with the idea of amending the law to restore the primacy of the legislators in the implementation of the rural development schemes.
This is likely to be done after the current assembly session, according to the information available. At the moment, there is discussion within the government as to whether the reamendment of the law would pass muster, in view of the 73rd and 74th Constitutional amendments made which have endowed powers to the rural and urban local self government system. But the thinking has been that Mr. Udashi will have his way, despite the legal battle the government may have to certainly fight in the coming days. And the passage will be smoother than expected not only because of the game of numbers which favour the ruling combination but because the Congress members are not averse to changes their own government had brought.
It may be mentioned here that the Karnataka Panchayatraj Act was amended ten years after it was enacted during year 2003 by the Krishna government, which however dragged its own feet to give effect to the same. And it was done by the Dharam Singh government when the Assurance Committee of the Karnataka Legislative Assembly headed by Mr. D R Patil, took up the issue of the government redeeming its promise. As a result a government order was made in August 2004 and around 170 schemes were transferred from the state sector to the district sector to enable the PRIs to implement the same. This arrangement was formalised through the budget allocation made by Mr. Siddaramaiah in his budget estimates for the year 2005-2006 and the same has been continued in the budget for the present financial year presented by Mr. B S Yediyurappa.
The path of the democratic decentralization in Karnataka has been riddled with obstacles of sorts since the beginning. The concept of the transfer of powers to the PRIs has not been kindly taken by legislators, who fell that they are marginalisd and also by bureaucracy, which has never liked the concept accountability that the system envisages and primacy of the panchayat leaders in the governanance. What is now envisaged is the latest of the obstacles. The machinations of the political masters can only be frustrated by the vigilant public opinion and alert press. But Karnataka is not known to be strong in these two areas too.
The PRIs may ultimately gain in a prolonged fight but the time lost in the process would be precious, which can’t be undone.
(ends) 19:14 hrs. March 27, 2006
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HUBLI, March 27, 2006
Fears about the future of the panchayat raj institutions (PRIs) in Karnataka, which were poised to open a new chapter of the financial and functional autonomy, are come true much earlier than expected under the new Karnataka Development Front regime.
The fears had been prompted by the fact that both the alliance partners of the new combination which is in office in Karnataka are alien to the concept of the empowerment of the PRIs. For the BJP, which is a dominant partner by number, it is known that the party has scant respect for the system and that the inclusion of the profession of commitment to the concept in its manifesto was only an eye wash. And the junior partner, the breakaway group of the JDS has absolutely no hang of the same, since it is ideologically barren as the things stand today
There was a flickering hope that the BJP, could do something and carry forward the programmes, which had been launched by the predecessor government, because the BJP had made a reference to the system in its manifesto. But the hopes were belied with the new Minister for Rural Development and Panchayat Raj Mr. C M Dais, making observations which are contrary to the spirit of the changes made and philosophy followed.
He made it clear on the floor of the assembly that the legislators would continue to head the task force to oversee the implementation of the rural water schemes. This comes as a total variance to the changes made through the amendment to the Karnataka Panchayat Act , under which the gram panchayats get the exclusive jurisdiction over the implementation of the rural water scheme.
The then Minister for Panchayat Raj under the Dharam Singh government refused to oblige the members when a similar demand was then made by saying that he would not like to go against the law passed. “You change the law and we can implement the new proposal”. This was the firm stand he took and he stood the ground despite the mounting pressure on him including by the then Chief Minister too.
However as a sop to the agitated legislators, the government condescended to constitute the task force under the legislators only to supervise “emergency” schemes for a period of three months till the summer season was over. Dr Mahadevappa by that time had been dropped from the Ministry as a fall out of the spat between Devegowda and Siddaramaiah. Had Mahadevappa continued he would have certainly put his foot down firmly.
But what could not be done then, has now been done by the present regime. Mr. Udasi is not stopping at that. He knows that the law as has been amended does not permit it. He has been toying with the idea of amending the law to restore the primacy of the legislators in the implementation of the rural development schemes.
This is likely to be done after the current assembly session, according to the information available. At the moment, there is discussion within the government as to whether the reamendment of the law would pass muster, in view of the 73rd and 74th Constitutional amendments made which have endowed powers to the rural and urban local self government system. But the thinking has been that Mr. Udashi will have his way, despite the legal battle the government may have to certainly fight in the coming days. And the passage will be smoother than expected not only because of the game of numbers which favour the ruling combination but because the Congress members are not averse to changes their own government had brought.
It may be mentioned here that the Karnataka Panchayatraj Act was amended ten years after it was enacted during year 2003 by the Krishna government, which however dragged its own feet to give effect to the same. And it was done by the Dharam Singh government when the Assurance Committee of the Karnataka Legislative Assembly headed by Mr. D R Patil, took up the issue of the government redeeming its promise. As a result a government order was made in August 2004 and around 170 schemes were transferred from the state sector to the district sector to enable the PRIs to implement the same. This arrangement was formalised through the budget allocation made by Mr. Siddaramaiah in his budget estimates for the year 2005-2006 and the same has been continued in the budget for the present financial year presented by Mr. B S Yediyurappa.
The path of the democratic decentralization in Karnataka has been riddled with obstacles of sorts since the beginning. The concept of the transfer of powers to the PRIs has not been kindly taken by legislators, who fell that they are marginalisd and also by bureaucracy, which has never liked the concept accountability that the system envisages and primacy of the panchayat leaders in the governanance. What is now envisaged is the latest of the obstacles. The machinations of the political masters can only be frustrated by the vigilant public opinion and alert press. But Karnataka is not known to be strong in these two areas too.
The PRIs may ultimately gain in a prolonged fight but the time lost in the process would be precious, which can’t be undone.
(ends) 19:14 hrs. March 27, 2006
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Tuesday, February 07, 2006
Panchayat raj in for a bad time
The new JDS/BJP government does not well for the Panchayatraj system in vogue in Karnataka. At a time, when the newly elected members of the taluk and zilla panchayats are poised to open a new era of local self government thanks to the empowerment made already, the regime in Karnataka appears to be conceptually alien to the entire concept.
This was evident from the initial observations made by the Chief Minister Mr. Kumaraswamy and the Deputy Chief Minister, Mr. B S Yediyurappa in a TV programme anchored by the Media Academy Chairman Mr. Subbarao on Doordarshan on February 7.
From the observations made, it was evident that both the Chief Minister and the Deputy Chief Minister were in the dark as for as the whole philosophy of the panchayat raj system, which is in vogue in Karnataka since more than two decades. They confined themselves to make some casual remarks mouthing the usual objections raised by the detractors of the system that the system had resulted in the decentralization of corruption, as if the corruption is a monopoly of the legislators and that the members of the local self government should keep themselves off.
This is nothing surprising. Because this has been attitude of the most of the legislators in Karnataka in the two decade old history of the movement. They have always viewed the system as something of an interloper, which has come to take away the powers and privileges enjoyed by the legislators. Comparatively the Congress had a better understanding, in the sense that the present panchayat raj enactment is a Congress creation and that it is the Congress, which has gone for bringing far reaching amendments to make the system more effective. This has been incidentally done by the Congress regime, mainly because of the commitment to the concept at the national party level than because of any new found love for the system by the run of the mill party legislators. Next to that comes the undivided Janata Dal, which was the author of the first enactment made in 1983 and subsequently introduced number of amendments. BJP has the poorest of the poor concept of the panchayat raj both at the state and the national level.
It was against this background that one noticed during the recently conducted zilla and taluk panchayat elections that the political parties studiously avoided making any references to the problems and programmes of the panchayat raj and ran the campaign as the one aimed at gaining power than the one designed to govern the panchayat raj institutions. Both the Congress and JDS chose to skirt the issue completely while the BJP made some exception by talking about the need for reforms in the system in its manifesto.
Now the JDS faction led by Kumaraswamy which has been catapulted to power, has hardly any idea of the system, the problems which are to be tackled and hurdles which require to be cleared. So has been the case with the BJP.
The unfamiliarity and the ignorance assumes importance in the context of the fact that the previous government had transferred lot of powers and finances to the panchayat raj institutions and the budget presented by Siddaramaiah, had created the panchayat head for the first time and transferred schemes and funds to the tune of Rest. 2880 crores to the panchayat sector. An activity mapping has been issued to delineate the functions of the each of the three tier system and avoid the overlapping of functions and confusion. Accordingly, more than Rs,. 100 crores have been kept at the disposal of the panchayat raj institutions in each of the district for the current year. And the performanance of the panchayat raj institutions is going to be dismal in the very first year, because of the delay in holding polls in the first instance, and because of the change in the government. No zilla and taluk panchayats have started effectively working as yet because of the delay in the election of the adhyakshas and upadhyakshas. And the financial year is coming to an end in about seven weeks time from now.
(ends) 23:38 hrs. February 7, 2006
-----------------------------------0000000000000000------------------------
.
The new JDS/BJP government does not well for the Panchayatraj system in vogue in Karnataka. At a time, when the newly elected members of the taluk and zilla panchayats are poised to open a new era of local self government thanks to the empowerment made already, the regime in Karnataka appears to be conceptually alien to the entire concept.
This was evident from the initial observations made by the Chief Minister Mr. Kumaraswamy and the Deputy Chief Minister, Mr. B S Yediyurappa in a TV programme anchored by the Media Academy Chairman Mr. Subbarao on Doordarshan on February 7.
From the observations made, it was evident that both the Chief Minister and the Deputy Chief Minister were in the dark as for as the whole philosophy of the panchayat raj system, which is in vogue in Karnataka since more than two decades. They confined themselves to make some casual remarks mouthing the usual objections raised by the detractors of the system that the system had resulted in the decentralization of corruption, as if the corruption is a monopoly of the legislators and that the members of the local self government should keep themselves off.
This is nothing surprising. Because this has been attitude of the most of the legislators in Karnataka in the two decade old history of the movement. They have always viewed the system as something of an interloper, which has come to take away the powers and privileges enjoyed by the legislators. Comparatively the Congress had a better understanding, in the sense that the present panchayat raj enactment is a Congress creation and that it is the Congress, which has gone for bringing far reaching amendments to make the system more effective. This has been incidentally done by the Congress regime, mainly because of the commitment to the concept at the national party level than because of any new found love for the system by the run of the mill party legislators. Next to that comes the undivided Janata Dal, which was the author of the first enactment made in 1983 and subsequently introduced number of amendments. BJP has the poorest of the poor concept of the panchayat raj both at the state and the national level.
It was against this background that one noticed during the recently conducted zilla and taluk panchayat elections that the political parties studiously avoided making any references to the problems and programmes of the panchayat raj and ran the campaign as the one aimed at gaining power than the one designed to govern the panchayat raj institutions. Both the Congress and JDS chose to skirt the issue completely while the BJP made some exception by talking about the need for reforms in the system in its manifesto.
Now the JDS faction led by Kumaraswamy which has been catapulted to power, has hardly any idea of the system, the problems which are to be tackled and hurdles which require to be cleared. So has been the case with the BJP.
The unfamiliarity and the ignorance assumes importance in the context of the fact that the previous government had transferred lot of powers and finances to the panchayat raj institutions and the budget presented by Siddaramaiah, had created the panchayat head for the first time and transferred schemes and funds to the tune of Rest. 2880 crores to the panchayat sector. An activity mapping has been issued to delineate the functions of the each of the three tier system and avoid the overlapping of functions and confusion. Accordingly, more than Rs,. 100 crores have been kept at the disposal of the panchayat raj institutions in each of the district for the current year. And the performanance of the panchayat raj institutions is going to be dismal in the very first year, because of the delay in holding polls in the first instance, and because of the change in the government. No zilla and taluk panchayats have started effectively working as yet because of the delay in the election of the adhyakshas and upadhyakshas. And the financial year is coming to an end in about seven weeks time from now.
(ends) 23:38 hrs. February 7, 2006
-----------------------------------0000000000000000------------------------
.
Wednesday, January 25, 2006
HUBLI, Jan 26,2006
Panchayat raj institutions have been caught in vortex of political polemics in Karnataka.
In the hype created over the imminent fall of the Congress JDS government in Karnataka, and new combination of the JDS led by Kumaraswamy the son of Devegowda taking over with the support of the BJP, the poor panchayat raj institutions find themselves totally neglected.
The political cataclysmic changes have been product of the hung verdict given by the electorate in the elections to the zilla and taluk panchayats in Karnataka held in December. But all attention in Karnataka is on when the new combination would assume office in Karnataka rather than how exactly the newly elected members of the taluk and zilla panchayats begin their reign.
To be true, none of the three main line political parties in Karnataka were eager to have panchayat elections. They had tried their best to postpone them. But their efforts were thwarted by the intervention of the Supreme Court. Under the circumstances all were very reluctant players in the elections. Though they had some premonition about the effect of the panchayat verdict on the political scene, none of them even in their wildest dreams had bargained for the wholesale change of political equations in Karnataka. The developments may bring far-reaching changes in the political scenario of Karnataka but have certainly not augured well for the panchayat raj institutions, which are eagerly waiting to begin their five-year reign.
The panchayat elections held in December, it may be noted here mark an important phase in the history of the panchayat raj movement in Karnataka. For the first time the State Government had empowered them both functionally and financially to the extent that an amount of more than Rs. 100 crores on an average is kept for the first time at the disposal of the panchayat raj institutions in each of the 27 districts in Karnataka. Two thirds of the amount would come to the newly elected bodies, the taluk and zilla panchayats and their area of operation are clearly demarcated and funds come to them directly. This is for the first time that these institutions have been given the kind of right and responsibility and financial wherewithal to manage their institutions.
But the problem is that whether they can discharge their obligations fully. The functional and financial empowerment had been introduced formally through the budget with greater infusion of funds to the extent of Rs. 2880 crores. This started from the month of April.
But the bodies whose five-year term expired in June-July have remained under the control of the government appointed administrators. The uncertainty over the elections contributed to the further delay. Only this month the administrators are poised to hand over the charge to the people’s representatives. This means for the first nine months of the financial year, these bodies will not be exercising the powers given to them. How much can they do in the last quarter of financial year remains to be seen.
There are other problems, which need to be straightened out for them. All of them have been put on the backburner as a consequence of the political crisis of the ministry formation. Nobody is there to care or listen to the panchayat institutions as such. (ends)
============00000000000000=============
Panchayat raj institutions have been caught in vortex of political polemics in Karnataka.
In the hype created over the imminent fall of the Congress JDS government in Karnataka, and new combination of the JDS led by Kumaraswamy the son of Devegowda taking over with the support of the BJP, the poor panchayat raj institutions find themselves totally neglected.
The political cataclysmic changes have been product of the hung verdict given by the electorate in the elections to the zilla and taluk panchayats in Karnataka held in December. But all attention in Karnataka is on when the new combination would assume office in Karnataka rather than how exactly the newly elected members of the taluk and zilla panchayats begin their reign.
To be true, none of the three main line political parties in Karnataka were eager to have panchayat elections. They had tried their best to postpone them. But their efforts were thwarted by the intervention of the Supreme Court. Under the circumstances all were very reluctant players in the elections. Though they had some premonition about the effect of the panchayat verdict on the political scene, none of them even in their wildest dreams had bargained for the wholesale change of political equations in Karnataka. The developments may bring far-reaching changes in the political scenario of Karnataka but have certainly not augured well for the panchayat raj institutions, which are eagerly waiting to begin their five-year reign.
The panchayat elections held in December, it may be noted here mark an important phase in the history of the panchayat raj movement in Karnataka. For the first time the State Government had empowered them both functionally and financially to the extent that an amount of more than Rs. 100 crores on an average is kept for the first time at the disposal of the panchayat raj institutions in each of the 27 districts in Karnataka. Two thirds of the amount would come to the newly elected bodies, the taluk and zilla panchayats and their area of operation are clearly demarcated and funds come to them directly. This is for the first time that these institutions have been given the kind of right and responsibility and financial wherewithal to manage their institutions.
But the problem is that whether they can discharge their obligations fully. The functional and financial empowerment had been introduced formally through the budget with greater infusion of funds to the extent of Rs. 2880 crores. This started from the month of April.
But the bodies whose five-year term expired in June-July have remained under the control of the government appointed administrators. The uncertainty over the elections contributed to the further delay. Only this month the administrators are poised to hand over the charge to the people’s representatives. This means for the first nine months of the financial year, these bodies will not be exercising the powers given to them. How much can they do in the last quarter of financial year remains to be seen.
There are other problems, which need to be straightened out for them. All of them have been put on the backburner as a consequence of the political crisis of the ministry formation. Nobody is there to care or listen to the panchayat institutions as such. (ends)
============00000000000000=============
Wednesday, January 04, 2006
From M Madan Mohan
Panchayat poll: some interesting questions
HUBLI, December 31. 2005
The fractured mandate turned in by the voters of Karnataka at the just concluded elections to the zilla and taluk panchayats has raised some interesting questions.
The electorate in Karnataka had done so nearly twenty months ago in 2004 assembly elections. After nearly twenty months also, there does notnot seem to have any change in their perception of the political parties in Karnataka. The only difference between the two verdicts is that the present one has been the exclusive voice of the rural electorate.
Why should the three main line parties in Karnataka fail to get the mandate, despite all the grandiose plans they have outlined in the manifestos issued on the occasion? Incidentally this was for the first time that the political parties thought fit to come out with separate manifesto for the panchayat elections.
It appears that the result is more a reflection on the failure on the part of the political parties to focus attention on the governanance of the panchayat raj institutions than anything else. Their approach to the poll was skewed since the beginning.
All of them regarded the hustings as an opportunity to gain power rather than demonstrate their commitment to the experiment of decentralization of power, in which the state has been ahead of others in the country. This attitude found myriad expression in the manifestos issued and the speeches made by the leaders during the campaigns.
The parties spoke the new schemes, as if they will not implement if the panchayat elections were not to be held. None of them had the time or inclination to how they would run the panchayat raj institutions, make the best use of powers and finances made available, and encourage participatory approach of the people, which holds key to success of the system. They were also notnot forthcoming how they would like the remove the hurdles in the taking the experiment of decentralization to the logical conclusion.
Of the three main political parties, only BJP chose to make some articulation on this aspect. But its voice but its voice was too weak to be taken note of in view of the party’s lackadaisical approach to the experiment at national and state level.
The biggest tragedy was that of Congress. It is the party, which has expressed at the highest policy making level of its commitment to the decentralization of administration. It is the party, which brought about the much-needed Constitutional Amendment (73rd) to give constitutional status to the pantheist and insulate them against the whims and fancies of the state government with a view to ensuring regular elections.
In Karnataka, it is the Congress, which enacted the first panchayat raj legislation, in tune with the 73rd Constitutional amendment way back in 1993. More than a decade later, it introduced comprehensive amendments to do remove the lacunae.
More importantly, it was during the Dharam Singh took a historic step, which is considered as a major step in empowering the panchayat raj institutions. By an order issued in August 2004, the State Government transferred schemes and funds from the state sector to the district for being implemented by the three-tier panchayat raj system. This arrangement was formalised when the then Deputy Chief Minister, Mr Siddaramaiah introduced the budget.
All this resulted in whopping Rs. 2880 crores being put at the disposal of the zilla, taluk and gram panchayats in the 28 districts of the state. This meant an average of more than Rs. 100 crore being put thedisposal of these institutions for development works. The funds were to be shared at the rate of 39% (zilla panchayats), 28% (taluk panchayats) and 33% (gram panchayats). It was nothing short of a bonanza that had been given to them.
The party in its wisdom chose not to dwell upon its achievements either in the manifesto or in the public speeches made by its leaders.
As a party, which shared the legacy of the undivided Janata Dal, which introduced the panchayat lawin 1983 (which was replaced by the Congress in 1993), the JDS also surprising missed talking about this aspect and talking about its own commitment to the cause.
The panchayat elections in way are purely local election, where much depends on the army of local workers that each party has, rather than its political philosophy or charisma of its leaders. It is in fact an election of workers and not of leaders.
Under the circumstances, the measure of success depends on the type and quality of the workers at the level for each of the political parties. It was here that the Congress proved that it had comparatively a better brigade than others. But the most disconcerting aspect for the party is that the size of its local army of workers is shrinking. And this certainly is not a good augury for the future.
. Eom 9:29 AM 31-Dec-05
Panchayat poll: some interesting questions
HUBLI, December 31. 2005
The fractured mandate turned in by the voters of Karnataka at the just concluded elections to the zilla and taluk panchayats has raised some interesting questions.
The electorate in Karnataka had done so nearly twenty months ago in 2004 assembly elections. After nearly twenty months also, there does notnot seem to have any change in their perception of the political parties in Karnataka. The only difference between the two verdicts is that the present one has been the exclusive voice of the rural electorate.
Why should the three main line parties in Karnataka fail to get the mandate, despite all the grandiose plans they have outlined in the manifestos issued on the occasion? Incidentally this was for the first time that the political parties thought fit to come out with separate manifesto for the panchayat elections.
It appears that the result is more a reflection on the failure on the part of the political parties to focus attention on the governanance of the panchayat raj institutions than anything else. Their approach to the poll was skewed since the beginning.
All of them regarded the hustings as an opportunity to gain power rather than demonstrate their commitment to the experiment of decentralization of power, in which the state has been ahead of others in the country. This attitude found myriad expression in the manifestos issued and the speeches made by the leaders during the campaigns.
The parties spoke the new schemes, as if they will not implement if the panchayat elections were not to be held. None of them had the time or inclination to how they would run the panchayat raj institutions, make the best use of powers and finances made available, and encourage participatory approach of the people, which holds key to success of the system. They were also notnot forthcoming how they would like the remove the hurdles in the taking the experiment of decentralization to the logical conclusion.
Of the three main political parties, only BJP chose to make some articulation on this aspect. But its voice but its voice was too weak to be taken note of in view of the party’s lackadaisical approach to the experiment at national and state level.
The biggest tragedy was that of Congress. It is the party, which has expressed at the highest policy making level of its commitment to the decentralization of administration. It is the party, which brought about the much-needed Constitutional Amendment (73rd) to give constitutional status to the pantheist and insulate them against the whims and fancies of the state government with a view to ensuring regular elections.
In Karnataka, it is the Congress, which enacted the first panchayat raj legislation, in tune with the 73rd Constitutional amendment way back in 1993. More than a decade later, it introduced comprehensive amendments to do remove the lacunae.
More importantly, it was during the Dharam Singh took a historic step, which is considered as a major step in empowering the panchayat raj institutions. By an order issued in August 2004, the State Government transferred schemes and funds from the state sector to the district for being implemented by the three-tier panchayat raj system. This arrangement was formalised when the then Deputy Chief Minister, Mr Siddaramaiah introduced the budget.
All this resulted in whopping Rs. 2880 crores being put at the disposal of the zilla, taluk and gram panchayats in the 28 districts of the state. This meant an average of more than Rs. 100 crore being put thedisposal of these institutions for development works. The funds were to be shared at the rate of 39% (zilla panchayats), 28% (taluk panchayats) and 33% (gram panchayats). It was nothing short of a bonanza that had been given to them.
The party in its wisdom chose not to dwell upon its achievements either in the manifesto or in the public speeches made by its leaders.
As a party, which shared the legacy of the undivided Janata Dal, which introduced the panchayat lawin 1983 (which was replaced by the Congress in 1993), the JDS also surprising missed talking about this aspect and talking about its own commitment to the cause.
The panchayat elections in way are purely local election, where much depends on the army of local workers that each party has, rather than its political philosophy or charisma of its leaders. It is in fact an election of workers and not of leaders.
Under the circumstances, the measure of success depends on the type and quality of the workers at the level for each of the political parties. It was here that the Congress proved that it had comparatively a better brigade than others. But the most disconcerting aspect for the party is that the size of its local army of workers is shrinking. And this certainly is not a good augury for the future.
. Eom 9:29 AM 31-Dec-05
Thursday, December 29, 2005
the just concluded panchayat elections in Karnataka mark a watershed in the history of the movement for democratic decentralisation.
the fact that the political parties failed to receive the mandate from the rural electorate is more reflective of their callous ignorance of the issues.
all of them treated the panchayat elections as something to gain power instead of treating as the one pertaining to the governance of the rural local self government institutions.
None of the political parties addressed themselves to the real issues and had anything to offer to the electorate by way of thier commitment to the cause of empowerment of the panchayat raj institutions and how they would strive to remove the hurdles coming in the way.
Even the congress, which has made quite significant contribution was notnot able to spell out what it has done and what it proposed to do and paid a price for its total ignorance of the concept of the decentralisation.
the fact that the political parties failed to receive the mandate from the rural electorate is more reflective of their callous ignorance of the issues.
all of them treated the panchayat elections as something to gain power instead of treating as the one pertaining to the governance of the rural local self government institutions.
None of the political parties addressed themselves to the real issues and had anything to offer to the electorate by way of thier commitment to the cause of empowerment of the panchayat raj institutions and how they would strive to remove the hurdles coming in the way.
Even the congress, which has made quite significant contribution was notnot able to spell out what it has done and what it proposed to do and paid a price for its total ignorance of the concept of the decentralisation.
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