Panchayat institutions in Karnataka are in for bad time in Karnataka.
HUBLI, March 27, 2006
Fears about the future of the panchayat raj institutions (PRIs) in Karnataka, which were poised to open a new chapter of the financial and functional autonomy, are come true much earlier than expected under the new Karnataka Development Front regime.
The fears had been prompted by the fact that both the alliance partners of the new combination which is in office in Karnataka are alien to the concept of the empowerment of the PRIs. For the BJP, which is a dominant partner by number, it is known that the party has scant respect for the system and that the inclusion of the profession of commitment to the concept in its manifesto was only an eye wash. And the junior partner, the breakaway group of the JDS has absolutely no hang of the same, since it is ideologically barren as the things stand today
There was a flickering hope that the BJP, could do something and carry forward the programmes, which had been launched by the predecessor government, because the BJP had made a reference to the system in its manifesto. But the hopes were belied with the new Minister for Rural Development and Panchayat Raj Mr. C M Dais, making observations which are contrary to the spirit of the changes made and philosophy followed.
He made it clear on the floor of the assembly that the legislators would continue to head the task force to oversee the implementation of the rural water schemes. This comes as a total variance to the changes made through the amendment to the Karnataka Panchayat Act , under which the gram panchayats get the exclusive jurisdiction over the implementation of the rural water scheme.
The then Minister for Panchayat Raj under the Dharam Singh government refused to oblige the members when a similar demand was then made by saying that he would not like to go against the law passed. “You change the law and we can implement the new proposal”. This was the firm stand he took and he stood the ground despite the mounting pressure on him including by the then Chief Minister too.
However as a sop to the agitated legislators, the government condescended to constitute the task force under the legislators only to supervise “emergency” schemes for a period of three months till the summer season was over. Dr Mahadevappa by that time had been dropped from the Ministry as a fall out of the spat between Devegowda and Siddaramaiah. Had Mahadevappa continued he would have certainly put his foot down firmly.
But what could not be done then, has now been done by the present regime. Mr. Udasi is not stopping at that. He knows that the law as has been amended does not permit it. He has been toying with the idea of amending the law to restore the primacy of the legislators in the implementation of the rural development schemes.
This is likely to be done after the current assembly session, according to the information available. At the moment, there is discussion within the government as to whether the reamendment of the law would pass muster, in view of the 73rd and 74th Constitutional amendments made which have endowed powers to the rural and urban local self government system. But the thinking has been that Mr. Udashi will have his way, despite the legal battle the government may have to certainly fight in the coming days. And the passage will be smoother than expected not only because of the game of numbers which favour the ruling combination but because the Congress members are not averse to changes their own government had brought.
It may be mentioned here that the Karnataka Panchayatraj Act was amended ten years after it was enacted during year 2003 by the Krishna government, which however dragged its own feet to give effect to the same. And it was done by the Dharam Singh government when the Assurance Committee of the Karnataka Legislative Assembly headed by Mr. D R Patil, took up the issue of the government redeeming its promise. As a result a government order was made in August 2004 and around 170 schemes were transferred from the state sector to the district sector to enable the PRIs to implement the same. This arrangement was formalised through the budget allocation made by Mr. Siddaramaiah in his budget estimates for the year 2005-2006 and the same has been continued in the budget for the present financial year presented by Mr. B S Yediyurappa.
The path of the democratic decentralization in Karnataka has been riddled with obstacles of sorts since the beginning. The concept of the transfer of powers to the PRIs has not been kindly taken by legislators, who fell that they are marginalisd and also by bureaucracy, which has never liked the concept accountability that the system envisages and primacy of the panchayat leaders in the governanance. What is now envisaged is the latest of the obstacles. The machinations of the political masters can only be frustrated by the vigilant public opinion and alert press. But Karnataka is not known to be strong in these two areas too.
The PRIs may ultimately gain in a prolonged fight but the time lost in the process would be precious, which can’t be undone.
(ends) 19:14 hrs. March 27, 2006
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Monday, March 27, 2006
Tuesday, February 07, 2006
Panchayat raj in for a bad time
The new JDS/BJP government does not well for the Panchayatraj system in vogue in Karnataka. At a time, when the newly elected members of the taluk and zilla panchayats are poised to open a new era of local self government thanks to the empowerment made already, the regime in Karnataka appears to be conceptually alien to the entire concept.
This was evident from the initial observations made by the Chief Minister Mr. Kumaraswamy and the Deputy Chief Minister, Mr. B S Yediyurappa in a TV programme anchored by the Media Academy Chairman Mr. Subbarao on Doordarshan on February 7.
From the observations made, it was evident that both the Chief Minister and the Deputy Chief Minister were in the dark as for as the whole philosophy of the panchayat raj system, which is in vogue in Karnataka since more than two decades. They confined themselves to make some casual remarks mouthing the usual objections raised by the detractors of the system that the system had resulted in the decentralization of corruption, as if the corruption is a monopoly of the legislators and that the members of the local self government should keep themselves off.
This is nothing surprising. Because this has been attitude of the most of the legislators in Karnataka in the two decade old history of the movement. They have always viewed the system as something of an interloper, which has come to take away the powers and privileges enjoyed by the legislators. Comparatively the Congress had a better understanding, in the sense that the present panchayat raj enactment is a Congress creation and that it is the Congress, which has gone for bringing far reaching amendments to make the system more effective. This has been incidentally done by the Congress regime, mainly because of the commitment to the concept at the national party level than because of any new found love for the system by the run of the mill party legislators. Next to that comes the undivided Janata Dal, which was the author of the first enactment made in 1983 and subsequently introduced number of amendments. BJP has the poorest of the poor concept of the panchayat raj both at the state and the national level.
It was against this background that one noticed during the recently conducted zilla and taluk panchayat elections that the political parties studiously avoided making any references to the problems and programmes of the panchayat raj and ran the campaign as the one aimed at gaining power than the one designed to govern the panchayat raj institutions. Both the Congress and JDS chose to skirt the issue completely while the BJP made some exception by talking about the need for reforms in the system in its manifesto.
Now the JDS faction led by Kumaraswamy which has been catapulted to power, has hardly any idea of the system, the problems which are to be tackled and hurdles which require to be cleared. So has been the case with the BJP.
The unfamiliarity and the ignorance assumes importance in the context of the fact that the previous government had transferred lot of powers and finances to the panchayat raj institutions and the budget presented by Siddaramaiah, had created the panchayat head for the first time and transferred schemes and funds to the tune of Rest. 2880 crores to the panchayat sector. An activity mapping has been issued to delineate the functions of the each of the three tier system and avoid the overlapping of functions and confusion. Accordingly, more than Rs,. 100 crores have been kept at the disposal of the panchayat raj institutions in each of the district for the current year. And the performanance of the panchayat raj institutions is going to be dismal in the very first year, because of the delay in holding polls in the first instance, and because of the change in the government. No zilla and taluk panchayats have started effectively working as yet because of the delay in the election of the adhyakshas and upadhyakshas. And the financial year is coming to an end in about seven weeks time from now.
(ends) 23:38 hrs. February 7, 2006
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The new JDS/BJP government does not well for the Panchayatraj system in vogue in Karnataka. At a time, when the newly elected members of the taluk and zilla panchayats are poised to open a new era of local self government thanks to the empowerment made already, the regime in Karnataka appears to be conceptually alien to the entire concept.
This was evident from the initial observations made by the Chief Minister Mr. Kumaraswamy and the Deputy Chief Minister, Mr. B S Yediyurappa in a TV programme anchored by the Media Academy Chairman Mr. Subbarao on Doordarshan on February 7.
From the observations made, it was evident that both the Chief Minister and the Deputy Chief Minister were in the dark as for as the whole philosophy of the panchayat raj system, which is in vogue in Karnataka since more than two decades. They confined themselves to make some casual remarks mouthing the usual objections raised by the detractors of the system that the system had resulted in the decentralization of corruption, as if the corruption is a monopoly of the legislators and that the members of the local self government should keep themselves off.
This is nothing surprising. Because this has been attitude of the most of the legislators in Karnataka in the two decade old history of the movement. They have always viewed the system as something of an interloper, which has come to take away the powers and privileges enjoyed by the legislators. Comparatively the Congress had a better understanding, in the sense that the present panchayat raj enactment is a Congress creation and that it is the Congress, which has gone for bringing far reaching amendments to make the system more effective. This has been incidentally done by the Congress regime, mainly because of the commitment to the concept at the national party level than because of any new found love for the system by the run of the mill party legislators. Next to that comes the undivided Janata Dal, which was the author of the first enactment made in 1983 and subsequently introduced number of amendments. BJP has the poorest of the poor concept of the panchayat raj both at the state and the national level.
It was against this background that one noticed during the recently conducted zilla and taluk panchayat elections that the political parties studiously avoided making any references to the problems and programmes of the panchayat raj and ran the campaign as the one aimed at gaining power than the one designed to govern the panchayat raj institutions. Both the Congress and JDS chose to skirt the issue completely while the BJP made some exception by talking about the need for reforms in the system in its manifesto.
Now the JDS faction led by Kumaraswamy which has been catapulted to power, has hardly any idea of the system, the problems which are to be tackled and hurdles which require to be cleared. So has been the case with the BJP.
The unfamiliarity and the ignorance assumes importance in the context of the fact that the previous government had transferred lot of powers and finances to the panchayat raj institutions and the budget presented by Siddaramaiah, had created the panchayat head for the first time and transferred schemes and funds to the tune of Rest. 2880 crores to the panchayat sector. An activity mapping has been issued to delineate the functions of the each of the three tier system and avoid the overlapping of functions and confusion. Accordingly, more than Rs,. 100 crores have been kept at the disposal of the panchayat raj institutions in each of the district for the current year. And the performanance of the panchayat raj institutions is going to be dismal in the very first year, because of the delay in holding polls in the first instance, and because of the change in the government. No zilla and taluk panchayats have started effectively working as yet because of the delay in the election of the adhyakshas and upadhyakshas. And the financial year is coming to an end in about seven weeks time from now.
(ends) 23:38 hrs. February 7, 2006
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Wednesday, January 25, 2006
HUBLI, Jan 26,2006
Panchayat raj institutions have been caught in vortex of political polemics in Karnataka.
In the hype created over the imminent fall of the Congress JDS government in Karnataka, and new combination of the JDS led by Kumaraswamy the son of Devegowda taking over with the support of the BJP, the poor panchayat raj institutions find themselves totally neglected.
The political cataclysmic changes have been product of the hung verdict given by the electorate in the elections to the zilla and taluk panchayats in Karnataka held in December. But all attention in Karnataka is on when the new combination would assume office in Karnataka rather than how exactly the newly elected members of the taluk and zilla panchayats begin their reign.
To be true, none of the three main line political parties in Karnataka were eager to have panchayat elections. They had tried their best to postpone them. But their efforts were thwarted by the intervention of the Supreme Court. Under the circumstances all were very reluctant players in the elections. Though they had some premonition about the effect of the panchayat verdict on the political scene, none of them even in their wildest dreams had bargained for the wholesale change of political equations in Karnataka. The developments may bring far-reaching changes in the political scenario of Karnataka but have certainly not augured well for the panchayat raj institutions, which are eagerly waiting to begin their five-year reign.
The panchayat elections held in December, it may be noted here mark an important phase in the history of the panchayat raj movement in Karnataka. For the first time the State Government had empowered them both functionally and financially to the extent that an amount of more than Rs. 100 crores on an average is kept for the first time at the disposal of the panchayat raj institutions in each of the 27 districts in Karnataka. Two thirds of the amount would come to the newly elected bodies, the taluk and zilla panchayats and their area of operation are clearly demarcated and funds come to them directly. This is for the first time that these institutions have been given the kind of right and responsibility and financial wherewithal to manage their institutions.
But the problem is that whether they can discharge their obligations fully. The functional and financial empowerment had been introduced formally through the budget with greater infusion of funds to the extent of Rs. 2880 crores. This started from the month of April.
But the bodies whose five-year term expired in June-July have remained under the control of the government appointed administrators. The uncertainty over the elections contributed to the further delay. Only this month the administrators are poised to hand over the charge to the people’s representatives. This means for the first nine months of the financial year, these bodies will not be exercising the powers given to them. How much can they do in the last quarter of financial year remains to be seen.
There are other problems, which need to be straightened out for them. All of them have been put on the backburner as a consequence of the political crisis of the ministry formation. Nobody is there to care or listen to the panchayat institutions as such. (ends)
============00000000000000=============
Panchayat raj institutions have been caught in vortex of political polemics in Karnataka.
In the hype created over the imminent fall of the Congress JDS government in Karnataka, and new combination of the JDS led by Kumaraswamy the son of Devegowda taking over with the support of the BJP, the poor panchayat raj institutions find themselves totally neglected.
The political cataclysmic changes have been product of the hung verdict given by the electorate in the elections to the zilla and taluk panchayats in Karnataka held in December. But all attention in Karnataka is on when the new combination would assume office in Karnataka rather than how exactly the newly elected members of the taluk and zilla panchayats begin their reign.
To be true, none of the three main line political parties in Karnataka were eager to have panchayat elections. They had tried their best to postpone them. But their efforts were thwarted by the intervention of the Supreme Court. Under the circumstances all were very reluctant players in the elections. Though they had some premonition about the effect of the panchayat verdict on the political scene, none of them even in their wildest dreams had bargained for the wholesale change of political equations in Karnataka. The developments may bring far-reaching changes in the political scenario of Karnataka but have certainly not augured well for the panchayat raj institutions, which are eagerly waiting to begin their five-year reign.
The panchayat elections held in December, it may be noted here mark an important phase in the history of the panchayat raj movement in Karnataka. For the first time the State Government had empowered them both functionally and financially to the extent that an amount of more than Rs. 100 crores on an average is kept for the first time at the disposal of the panchayat raj institutions in each of the 27 districts in Karnataka. Two thirds of the amount would come to the newly elected bodies, the taluk and zilla panchayats and their area of operation are clearly demarcated and funds come to them directly. This is for the first time that these institutions have been given the kind of right and responsibility and financial wherewithal to manage their institutions.
But the problem is that whether they can discharge their obligations fully. The functional and financial empowerment had been introduced formally through the budget with greater infusion of funds to the extent of Rs. 2880 crores. This started from the month of April.
But the bodies whose five-year term expired in June-July have remained under the control of the government appointed administrators. The uncertainty over the elections contributed to the further delay. Only this month the administrators are poised to hand over the charge to the people’s representatives. This means for the first nine months of the financial year, these bodies will not be exercising the powers given to them. How much can they do in the last quarter of financial year remains to be seen.
There are other problems, which need to be straightened out for them. All of them have been put on the backburner as a consequence of the political crisis of the ministry formation. Nobody is there to care or listen to the panchayat institutions as such. (ends)
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Wednesday, January 04, 2006
From M Madan Mohan
Panchayat poll: some interesting questions
HUBLI, December 31. 2005
The fractured mandate turned in by the voters of Karnataka at the just concluded elections to the zilla and taluk panchayats has raised some interesting questions.
The electorate in Karnataka had done so nearly twenty months ago in 2004 assembly elections. After nearly twenty months also, there does notnot seem to have any change in their perception of the political parties in Karnataka. The only difference between the two verdicts is that the present one has been the exclusive voice of the rural electorate.
Why should the three main line parties in Karnataka fail to get the mandate, despite all the grandiose plans they have outlined in the manifestos issued on the occasion? Incidentally this was for the first time that the political parties thought fit to come out with separate manifesto for the panchayat elections.
It appears that the result is more a reflection on the failure on the part of the political parties to focus attention on the governanance of the panchayat raj institutions than anything else. Their approach to the poll was skewed since the beginning.
All of them regarded the hustings as an opportunity to gain power rather than demonstrate their commitment to the experiment of decentralization of power, in which the state has been ahead of others in the country. This attitude found myriad expression in the manifestos issued and the speeches made by the leaders during the campaigns.
The parties spoke the new schemes, as if they will not implement if the panchayat elections were not to be held. None of them had the time or inclination to how they would run the panchayat raj institutions, make the best use of powers and finances made available, and encourage participatory approach of the people, which holds key to success of the system. They were also notnot forthcoming how they would like the remove the hurdles in the taking the experiment of decentralization to the logical conclusion.
Of the three main political parties, only BJP chose to make some articulation on this aspect. But its voice but its voice was too weak to be taken note of in view of the party’s lackadaisical approach to the experiment at national and state level.
The biggest tragedy was that of Congress. It is the party, which has expressed at the highest policy making level of its commitment to the decentralization of administration. It is the party, which brought about the much-needed Constitutional Amendment (73rd) to give constitutional status to the pantheist and insulate them against the whims and fancies of the state government with a view to ensuring regular elections.
In Karnataka, it is the Congress, which enacted the first panchayat raj legislation, in tune with the 73rd Constitutional amendment way back in 1993. More than a decade later, it introduced comprehensive amendments to do remove the lacunae.
More importantly, it was during the Dharam Singh took a historic step, which is considered as a major step in empowering the panchayat raj institutions. By an order issued in August 2004, the State Government transferred schemes and funds from the state sector to the district for being implemented by the three-tier panchayat raj system. This arrangement was formalised when the then Deputy Chief Minister, Mr Siddaramaiah introduced the budget.
All this resulted in whopping Rs. 2880 crores being put at the disposal of the zilla, taluk and gram panchayats in the 28 districts of the state. This meant an average of more than Rs. 100 crore being put thedisposal of these institutions for development works. The funds were to be shared at the rate of 39% (zilla panchayats), 28% (taluk panchayats) and 33% (gram panchayats). It was nothing short of a bonanza that had been given to them.
The party in its wisdom chose not to dwell upon its achievements either in the manifesto or in the public speeches made by its leaders.
As a party, which shared the legacy of the undivided Janata Dal, which introduced the panchayat lawin 1983 (which was replaced by the Congress in 1993), the JDS also surprising missed talking about this aspect and talking about its own commitment to the cause.
The panchayat elections in way are purely local election, where much depends on the army of local workers that each party has, rather than its political philosophy or charisma of its leaders. It is in fact an election of workers and not of leaders.
Under the circumstances, the measure of success depends on the type and quality of the workers at the level for each of the political parties. It was here that the Congress proved that it had comparatively a better brigade than others. But the most disconcerting aspect for the party is that the size of its local army of workers is shrinking. And this certainly is not a good augury for the future.
. Eom 9:29 AM 31-Dec-05
Panchayat poll: some interesting questions
HUBLI, December 31. 2005
The fractured mandate turned in by the voters of Karnataka at the just concluded elections to the zilla and taluk panchayats has raised some interesting questions.
The electorate in Karnataka had done so nearly twenty months ago in 2004 assembly elections. After nearly twenty months also, there does notnot seem to have any change in their perception of the political parties in Karnataka. The only difference between the two verdicts is that the present one has been the exclusive voice of the rural electorate.
Why should the three main line parties in Karnataka fail to get the mandate, despite all the grandiose plans they have outlined in the manifestos issued on the occasion? Incidentally this was for the first time that the political parties thought fit to come out with separate manifesto for the panchayat elections.
It appears that the result is more a reflection on the failure on the part of the political parties to focus attention on the governanance of the panchayat raj institutions than anything else. Their approach to the poll was skewed since the beginning.
All of them regarded the hustings as an opportunity to gain power rather than demonstrate their commitment to the experiment of decentralization of power, in which the state has been ahead of others in the country. This attitude found myriad expression in the manifestos issued and the speeches made by the leaders during the campaigns.
The parties spoke the new schemes, as if they will not implement if the panchayat elections were not to be held. None of them had the time or inclination to how they would run the panchayat raj institutions, make the best use of powers and finances made available, and encourage participatory approach of the people, which holds key to success of the system. They were also notnot forthcoming how they would like the remove the hurdles in the taking the experiment of decentralization to the logical conclusion.
Of the three main political parties, only BJP chose to make some articulation on this aspect. But its voice but its voice was too weak to be taken note of in view of the party’s lackadaisical approach to the experiment at national and state level.
The biggest tragedy was that of Congress. It is the party, which has expressed at the highest policy making level of its commitment to the decentralization of administration. It is the party, which brought about the much-needed Constitutional Amendment (73rd) to give constitutional status to the pantheist and insulate them against the whims and fancies of the state government with a view to ensuring regular elections.
In Karnataka, it is the Congress, which enacted the first panchayat raj legislation, in tune with the 73rd Constitutional amendment way back in 1993. More than a decade later, it introduced comprehensive amendments to do remove the lacunae.
More importantly, it was during the Dharam Singh took a historic step, which is considered as a major step in empowering the panchayat raj institutions. By an order issued in August 2004, the State Government transferred schemes and funds from the state sector to the district for being implemented by the three-tier panchayat raj system. This arrangement was formalised when the then Deputy Chief Minister, Mr Siddaramaiah introduced the budget.
All this resulted in whopping Rs. 2880 crores being put at the disposal of the zilla, taluk and gram panchayats in the 28 districts of the state. This meant an average of more than Rs. 100 crore being put thedisposal of these institutions for development works. The funds were to be shared at the rate of 39% (zilla panchayats), 28% (taluk panchayats) and 33% (gram panchayats). It was nothing short of a bonanza that had been given to them.
The party in its wisdom chose not to dwell upon its achievements either in the manifesto or in the public speeches made by its leaders.
As a party, which shared the legacy of the undivided Janata Dal, which introduced the panchayat lawin 1983 (which was replaced by the Congress in 1993), the JDS also surprising missed talking about this aspect and talking about its own commitment to the cause.
The panchayat elections in way are purely local election, where much depends on the army of local workers that each party has, rather than its political philosophy or charisma of its leaders. It is in fact an election of workers and not of leaders.
Under the circumstances, the measure of success depends on the type and quality of the workers at the level for each of the political parties. It was here that the Congress proved that it had comparatively a better brigade than others. But the most disconcerting aspect for the party is that the size of its local army of workers is shrinking. And this certainly is not a good augury for the future.
. Eom 9:29 AM 31-Dec-05
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